Inquiring minds are
reading the
SIGTARP Quarterly Report To Congress. The
report is a massive 224 pages long. I will do my
best to condense it down to the critical
highlights involving Fraud, Money Laundering,
Insider Trading, etc.
Let's start with the SIGTARP mission, then the
findings.
Mission
SIGTARP’s mission is to advance economic
stability by promoting the efficiency and
effectiveness of TARP management, through
transparency, through coordinated oversight,
and through robust enforcement against those,
whether inside or outside of Government, who
waste, steal or abuse TARP funds.
Let's dive into the
224 page report and see how well TARP, and the
alphabet soup of lending facilities met their
stated goals.
On the positive
side, there are clear signs that aspects of
the financial system are far more stable than
they were at the height of the crisis in the
fall of 2008. Many large banks have once again
been able to raise funds in the capital
markets, and some institutions — including
some that appeared to be on the verge of
collapse — have recovered sufficiently to
repay their TARP investments years earlier
than most would have predicted. These
repayments and the sales of the warrants
associated with them have meant that Treasury
(and thus the taxpayer) has turned a profit on
some of the individual TARP investments; as a
result of these repayments, among other
positive developments, it now appears that the
ultimate cost of TARP to the American
taxpayer, while still substantial, might be
significantly less than initially estimated.
Mish:
The idea that there are "profits" is fictitious.
It's effectively praising making 10 cents on a
dollar while not counting hundreds of $billions
lost on AIG and Fannie Mae, and ignoring $300
billion worth of loan guarantees at Citigroup
still in effect.
Moreover, the only reason banks were able to
show a profit and pay back TARP loans is
mark-to-market rules were delayed further and
banks did not have to bring hundreds of billions
of dollars in off balance sheet SIVs back on to
bank balance sheets.
Many of
TARP’s stated goals, however, have simply not
been met. Despite the fact that the
explicit goal of the Capital Purchase Program
(“CPP”) was to increase financing to U.S.
businesses and consumers, lending continues to
decrease, month after month, and the TARP
program designed specifically to address
small-business lending — announced in March
2009 — has still not been implemented by
Treasury. Notwithstanding the fact that
preserving homeownership and promoting jobs
were explicit purposes of the Emergency
Economic Stabilization Act of 2008 (“EESA”),
the statute that created TARP, nearly 16
months later, home foreclosures remain at
record levels, the TARP foreclosure prevention
program has only permanently modified a small
fraction of eligible mortgages, and
unemployment is the highest it has been in a
generation. Whether these goals can
effectively be met through existing TARP
programs is very much an open question at this
time.
Mish:
Question? There is no question. TARP will do
nothing for foreclosures or bank lending, not
now, not ever.
The substantial
costs of TARP — in money, moral hazard effects
on the market, and government credibility —
will have been for naught if we do nothing to
correct the fundamental problems in our
financial system and end up in a similar or
even greater crisis in two, or five, or ten
years’ time.
It is hard to see how any of the fundamental
problems in the system have been addressed to
date.
• To the extent that huge, interconnected,
“too big to fail” institutions contributed to
the crisis, those institutions are now even
larger, in part because of the substantial
subsidies provided by TARP and other bailout
programs.
• To the extent that institutions were
previously incentivized to take reckless risks
through a “heads, I win; tails, the Government
will bail me out” mentality, the market is
more convinced than ever that the Government
will step in as necessary to save systemically
significant institutions. This perception was
reinforced when TARP was extended until
October 3, 2010, thus permitting Treasury to
maintain a war chest of potential rescue
funding at the same time that banks that have
shown questionable ability to return to
profitability (and in some cases are posting
multi-billion-dollar losses) are exiting TARP
programs.
• To the extent that large institutions’ risky
behavior resulted from the desire to justify
ever-greater bonuses — and indeed, the race
appears to be on for TARP recipients to exit
the program in order to avoid its pay
restrictions — the current bonus season
demonstrates that although there have been
some improvements in the form that bonus
compensation takes for some executives, there
has been little fundamental change in the
excessive compensation culture on Wall Street.
• To the extent that the crisis was fueled by
a “bubble” in the housing market, the Federal
Government’s concerted efforts to support home
prices — as discussed more fully in Section 3
of this report — risk re-inflating that bubble
in light of the Government’s effective
takeover of the housing market through
purchases and guarantees, either direct or
implicit, of nearly all of the residential
mortgage market.
Mish:
The Report Blasts Geithner and the NY Fed. I
seriously doubt Geithner survives this but the
sad thing is Geithner will not end up in prison
where he belongs.
SIGTARP’s audit,
which was issued on November 17, 2009, found,
among other things, that the terms of the
original FRBNY financing did not result from
independent analysis, but were simply an
adoption of the term sheet from an aborted
private financing discussion, and those terms,
which included an onerous effective interest
rate of 11%, made modification of the terms
and further Government action inevitable.
The audit also found that, in structuring
Maiden Lane III, FRBNY attempted to obtain
concessions, or “haircuts” from the CDS
counterparties — and one counterparty was
prepared to take a modest haircut — but the
FRBNY’s negotiating strategy was hampered by a
series of policy decisions that severely
limited its ability to obtain concessions,
including its decision not to accept
concessions unless concessions could be
obtained from all of the counterparties, its
refusal to use its leverage as regulator to
some of the institutions involved, and its
basic discomfort with interfering with the
sanctity of the counterparties’ contractual
rights. These policy choices led directly to a
negotiating strategy with the counterparties
that even then-FRBNY President Geithner
acknowledged had little likelihood of success.
The audit further noted that although Mr.
Geithner has denied that his intent was to
benefit the counterparties, the overall
structure of the AIG bailout resulted in AIG’s
counterparties receiving tens of billions of
dollars they likely would not have otherwise
received had AIG gone into bankruptcy.
Mish:
The report also highlights numerous cases of
fraud, money laundering, insider trading, and
tax evasion . There are 77 active cases are
under investigation. Ongoing investigations
involve: Omni National Bank, Bank of America,
Colonial Bancgroup/Taylor, Bean & Whitaker, AIG,
others.
SIGTARP’s
Investigations Division has continued to
develop into a sophisticated white-collar
investigative agency.
Through December 31, 2009, SIGTARP has opened
86 and has 77 ongoing criminal and civil
investigations. These investigations include
complex issues concerning suspected TARP
fraud, accounting fraud, securities fraud,
insider trading, bank fraud, mortgage fraud,
mortgage servicer misconduct, fraudulent
advance-fee schemes, public corruption, false
statements, obstruction of justice, money
laundering, and tax-related investigations.
While the majority of SIGTARP’s investigative
activity remains confidential, developments in
several of SIGTARP’s investigations have
become public over the past quarter as
discussed more fully in Section 1 of this
report.
A substantial number of SIGTARP’s ongoing
investigations were developed in whole or in
part through tips or leads provided on
SIGTARP’s Hotline (877-SIG-2009 or accessible
at www.SIGTARP.gov). From its inception
through December 31, 2009, the SIGTARP Hotline
received and analyzed nearly 9,900 contacts,
running the gamut from expressions of concern
over the economy to serious allegations of
fraud.
Mish:
Please consider a prime conflict of interest
example in regards to PPIP, the
Public-Private-Investment-Plan, specifically
designed to allow banks to dump their worst
assets onto the public (taxpayers) shielding
banks from the risk.
Section 5 also
provides an update on the issue of imposing
conflict-of-interest walls in PPIP, including
a discussion of a series of suspect trades
that has already occurred within one of the
Public-Private Investment Funds (“PPIFs”) in
which a portfolio manager directed the sale of
a security from a non-PPIF fund under his
management to a dealer after the security had
been downgraded and then, minutes later,
purchased from that dealer the same security
at a slightly higher price for the PPIF.
SIGTARP is reviewing these trades. The fact
that these kinds of issues could arise in the
first instance is the direct result of
Treasury’s refusal to require information
barriers or walls in PPIP, and in an
environment in which large portions of the
public already view the fairness of Government
programs with skepticism, whether fairly or
unfairly, the reputational risk associated
with this review is a wholly unnecessary cost.
Mish:
Note the refutation of the preposterous claims
that taxpayers will be made whole.
Contrary to the
January 7, 2010, assertion by Treasury that
the taxpayer “will be made whole” because the
FRBNY loan to Maiden Lane III is on track to
being repaid in full, it is clear that any
assessment of the costs to the Government and
the taxpayer necessarily must look beyond
FRBNY’s loan to Maiden Lane III to also take
into account both the funds that FRBNY
previously loaned to AIG and the subsequent
TARP investments. All of these infusions to
AIG are linked inextricably: more than half
the total amounts paid to counterparties in
connection with the CDS portfolio retired
through Maiden Lane III did not come about
through the Maiden Lane III CDO purchases, but
rather from AIG’s earlier collateral postings
that were made possible in part by the
original FRBNY loan, which was, in turn, paid
down with TARP funds. Because of this linkage,
the ultimate costs to the Government and the
taxpayer cannot be measured in isolation.
Stated another way, regardless of whether
FRBNY is made whole on its loan to Maiden Lane
III, the ultimate value or cost to the
taxpayer cannot be calculated until the
likelihood of AIG repaying all of its
assistance can be more readily determined.
Treasury’s recent suggestion to the contrary
is, at best, incomplete.
Mish:
The report blasts Bernanke's wall of secrecy
need. Inquiring minds may also wish to review
Secret Deals Involving No One; AIG Coverup
Conspiracy Unravels.
SIGTARP’s audit also
noted that the now familiar argument from
Government officials about the dire
consequences of basic transparency, as
advocated by the Federal Reserve in connection
with Maiden Lane III, once again simply does
not withstand scrutiny. Federal Reserve
officials initially refused to disclose the
identities of the counterparties or the
details of the payments, warning that
disclosure of the names would undermine AIG’s
stability, the privacy and business interests
of the counterparties, and the stability of
the markets. After public and Congressional
pressure, AIG disclosed the identities of its
counterparties, including its eight largest:
Société Générale, Goldman Sachs Group Inc.,
Merrill Lynch, Deutsche Bank AG, UBS, Calyon
Corporate and Investment Banking (a subsidiary
of Crèdit Agricole S.A.), Barclays PLC, and
Bank of America. Notwithstanding the Federal
Reserve’s warnings, the sky did not fall;
there is no indication that AIG’s disclosure
undermined the stability of AIG or the market
or damaged legitimate interests of the
counterparties.
Mish:
Inquiring minds note how insurance companies
gamed the system.
The audit also noted
that the CPP investments in two insurance
companies highlight an incongruity in the CPP
program design. Hartford and Lincoln were able
to obtain CPP funds by buying small thrift
savings institutions and becoming
thrift/savings and loan holding companies,
thereby meeting the technical criteria for
receipt of CPP funds. The amount of CPP funds
provided, however, was then determined by the
assets of the holding company (i.e., the
parent insurance company), not just the assets
of the much smaller qualifying thrifts. In the
case of Lincoln, for example, the company was
able to obtain $950 million in TARP funds
after it acquired a thrift that, on its own,
would have been able to obtain at most
$350,000 (if it would have qualified for CPP
funding at all). Moreover, in using TARP
funds, there was no requirement that TARP
funding be used in connection with the
subsidiary thrifts’ activities. As it
happened, the insurance companies reported
that they used little (in the case of
Hartford) or no (in the case of Lincoln) TARP
funds in connection with the subsidiary
thrifts’ activities but rather used the vast
bulk of the funds to support their insurance
businesses. Stated another way, simply by
purchasing comparatively tiny thrifts,
Hartford and Lincoln — companies whose primary
businesses (unlike other CPP participants)
have little to do with lending to consumers
and businesses — gained access to more than
$4.3 billion in taxpayer funds, an amount that
is many multiples of the thrifts’ total
assets.
Mish:
Please note the following constitutional
questions around the Legality of Executive
Branch ‘Czars.’
On October 22, 2009,
the Special Master, who was appointed without
the advice and consent of the Senate, made
determinations concerning executive
compensation within AIG, Bank of America,
Chrysler Financial, Chrysler, Citigroup, GM,
and GMAC.
Following the issuance of the Special Master’s
determination, Michael W. McConnell, formerly
a judge on the Circuit Court of Appeals for
the Tenth Circuit, authored an essay entitled
“The Pay Czar Is Unconstitutional” that was
published in the Wall Street Journal on
October 29, 2009. In his essay, Judge
McConnell concluded that “[b]ecause he is not
a properly appointed officer of the United
States, Mr. Feinberg’s executive compensation
decisions were unconstitutional.”
Mish:
Here is a table of funds subject to oversight.
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Mish:
Looking for institutions in deep financial
trouble? You can find them in table 2.10, CCP
program missed dividend payments. There are 74
such troubled institutions. Here is a short
clip.
TARP Tutorial:
How Taxpayers Lose TARP Money When Banks Fail
The creation of TARP
elevated the taxpayers’ exposure to bank
failures by making them direct investors in
more than 700 institutions — generally as
preferred shareholders. The recent
bankruptcies of CIT , UCBH, and Pacific Coast
National Bancorp, all TARP recipients through
CPP , are tangible examples of the risk that
failing CPP banks pose to the U.S. taxpayer.
It is impossible to predict how many
additional banks will succumb over the next
several years. According to the FDI C website,
however, the number of institutions on its
“Problem List” is at a 16-year high. As of
September 30, 2009, there were 552 insured
institutions on the list, the largest number
of problem institutions since the fallout from
the savings and loan (“S&L”) crisis resulted
in 575 institutions being placed on the list
by December 31, 1993.91 The FDI C does not
publish the names of problem banks on its
website for fear that disclosing such
information would cause a “run” on the bank’s
deposits.
As preferred shareholders, U.S. taxpayers fall
in the category of shareholder in many of the
Government’s TARP investments. If the
institutions fail, the taxpayers, like the
other shareholders, will typically lose their
investment if there are no remaining funds
after creditors have been paid.
On December 31, 2008, Treasury invested $2
billion of CPP funds in CIT , a bank holding
company with various commercial finance
businesses including lending to small and
midsize businesses.112 CIT , which was founded
in 1908, is a major lender to small
businesses, with more than $60 billion in
finance and leasing assets supporting more
than one million borrowers.
On November 1, 2009, CIT filed Chapter 11
Bankruptcy. Its depository institution,
CIT Bank, however, did not file bankruptcy.
December 10, 2009, CIT ’s shares and
warrants were extinguished, and former holders
of preferred shares received contingent value
rights (“CVR s”). Theoretically, CVR s place
Treasury in a position to recoup part of its
investment in CIT .
If, in the future, the senior and junior debt
holders are paid back 100%, then any residuals
would go to the CVR holders. At this time, it
is unlikely that there will be any residual to
pay Treasury for its preferred stock
investment; in its TARP Financial Statements,
Treasury listed the value of its CIT
investment as zero.
Making Home
Affordable Program
The Making Home
Affordable (“MHA”) program was introduced by
the Administration on February 18, 2009, as a
collection of three major initiatives: a loan
modification program, a loan refinancing
program, and additional support for reduced
mortgage interest rates.
TARP funds are primarily dedicated to one
initiative within MHA, the Home Affordable
Modification Program (“HAMP”). According to
Treasury, HAMP is a $75 billion program that
will lower monthly mortgage payments for
homeowners by providing loan modification
incentive payments to the servicers and loan
holders (lenders or investors — referred to as
investors in this section) and by protecting
against further loss of collateral value. In
addition, the MHA program now includes
foreclosure alternatives for those not able to
complete a HAMP modification.
Of the $75 billion reserved for HAMP, $50
billion will be funded through TARP and will
be used to modify private-label mortgages.
Beyond the TARP support, the additional $25
billion in HAMP funding is provided under the
Housing and Economic Recovery Act of 2008
(“HERA”) and will be used to modify mortgages
that are owned or guaranteed by the Federal
National Mortgage Association (“Fannie Mae”)
and the Federal Home Loan Mortgage Corporation
(“Freddie Mac”), two of the
Government-sponsored enterprises (“GSEs”).
Mish: By
now the failures of HAMP are well documented.
Modifications are failing at a massive rate and
foreclosures keep making new highs. HAMP is a
lost cause. More importantly, Congress allocated
unlimited funds to Fannie and Freddie even
though losses are soaring.
Because Congress gave
the Fed a blank check, the Fed is immune from
losses that will pile up as a result of its
bloated balance sheet as shown below.
According to Federal
Reserve Vice Chairman Donald L. Kohn, the
Federal
Reserve’s announced purchases of GSE-guaranteed
MBS, GSE debt, and Treasury
securities “were successful in reducing
long-term interest rates” and “increased the
availability of mortgages to households.”
Mish:
Kohn failed to mention the cost or what happens
to interest rates as soon as the Fed stops the
program. However, because Congress was stupid
enough to write a blank check for Fannie and
Freddie losses, the Fed can and probably will
restart purchases as soon as the economy resumes
its slide.
Clearly TARP was a complete failure, that is
assuming the goals of TARP were as stated.
My belief is the benefits of TARP and the entire
alphabet soup of lending facilities was not as
stated by Bernanke and Geithner, but rather to
shift as much responsibility as quickly as
possible on to the backs of taxpayers while
trumping up nonsensical benefits of doing so.
This was done to bail out the banks at any and
all cost to the taxpayers.
Was this a huge conspiracy by the Fed and
Treasury to benefit the banks at taxpayer
expense? Of course it was, and the conspiracy is
unraveling as documented in this report and as
documented in
AIG Coverup Conspiracy Unravels.
In spite of massive, predicted in advance fraud,
the Treasury still refuses to require
information barriers or walls in PPIP.
The result was what many of us predicted all
along: TARP fraud, accounting fraud, securities
fraud, insider trading, bank fraud, mortgage
fraud, mortgage servicer misconduct, fraudulent
advance-fee schemes, public corruption, false
statements, obstruction of justice, money
laundering, and tax-related investigations.
No one should be surprised by these
investigations. Indeed the real surprise is
there are not more of them.